One of the main responses Mike Rounds has offered to revelations of misconduct in the state's EB-5 visa investment program is that he didn't run EB-5; the Board of Regents did.

Testimony under oath from Northern State University counsel John Meyer on April 24, 2014, in a deposition for the Darley v. SDIBI arbitration contradicts Rounds's statements:

[Darley attorney Jennifer Elkayam]: Or what entity provides SDIBI with the authority to conduct foreign direct investment activities?

[Meyer]: In the State of South Dakota, that area is handled and funded through the Governor's Office of Economic Development, which is a subbranch of the South Dakota Department of Tourism and Development [John Meyer, deposition, Darley v. SDIBI, Los Angeles, California, 2014.04.24, p. 23].

Agreements between GOED and NSU authorizing SDIBI's work show budget items from NSU, but Meyer says those items included little cash:

[Elkayam]: Did SDIBI ever receive funding from NSU at any point in time?

[Meyer]: Well, I notice here it mentions a cooperative effort. That cooperative effort was limited on NSU's part. I have observed, in some of the documentation, that NSU's contribution was roughly $100,000 per annum. The remainder of the budget, which would be much larger, would have come directly from "GOED" or GOED. I should also add that the bulk of that $100,000 contribution would be in provision of office space, the general overhead support, utility support, communication support, et cetera. I believe the actual cash infusion from NSU would be negligible [Meyer, 2014.04.24, p. 25].

Bollen testified in his April 16, 2014, deposition in Darley v. SDIBI that he answered to NSU Dean of Business Clyde Arnold but that such answering was generally limited to cc-ing Dean Arnold on monthly updates e-mailed directly to the Governor's Office of Economic Development. Elkayam asks Meyer about the chain of command:

[Elkayam]: Do you know whether Mr. Bollen reported to Dr. Arnold between 2007 and 2009?

[Meyer]: Actually, he reported to the titular head of the Department of Tourism and State Development or GOED, and I believe that position was sort of a two-hatted division of the secretary of that department [Meyer, 2014.04.24, p. 28].

The titular head of GOED during the specified time frame was Richard Benda.

Meyer says any accountability Bollen had to NSU was on minor accounting matters, not the core operations of the EB-5 program or SDIBI in general:

[Elkayam]: Who did Mr. Bollen report to within NSU between 2007 and 2009?

[Meyer]: Well, we're looking at "Operations" down there at the bottom of this current exhibit, and I would have to say that for operational purposes, for those functions, he reported to whoever was the titular head of the Department of State of Tourism and Development or, as I said, who would also be heading the GOED operations.

[Elkayam]: So no one within NSU?

[Meyer]: Not for operations.

[Elkayam]: For any other purpose?

[Meyer]: What -- what would occur is reconciliation of payroll expenditures. For instance, we just looked at this previous exhibit that's identified as 1(8). Obviously there would be some accounting reconciliations concerning his salary, travel, et cetera [Meyer, 2014.04.24, p. 34].

Meyer says Bollen submitted his primary budgets (the accuracy of which Bollen himself called into question in his deposition) and accounting information to GOED:

[Elkayam]: Did he [Bollen] ever submit any type of budgets for approval to anyone within NSU?

[Meyer] I don't believe he did, to my knowledge. I believe he submitted his budget requests and his accounting of expenditures to GOED [Meyer, 2014.04.24, pp. 34–35].

Meyer states under oath that he does not believe Bollen obtained authorization from anyone at NSU or the Board of Regents for his January 2008 SDIBI–SDRC Inc. contract [p. 45]. He says that the functions described in that contract exceeded the parameters of the SDIBI mission statement approved by the Regents in 1994 [p. 48] as well as the operating authority granted to SDIBI by GOED and the U.S. Customs and Immigration Service [p. 51]. Meyer also says that Bollen and SDIBI received no Regental authorization for memoranda of understanding sent to EB-5 investors [pp. 57–58].

Operating thus outside the bounds of granted authority, as exhibited by SDIBI's off-book partnership with the Hanul law firm, prompted a meeting involving  NSU's new president, Dr. James Smith, in 2009:

[Meyer]: ...there was a meeting that occurred at NSU between myself and Dr. Smith and Rich Benda and Joop Bollen and [V.P. finance and administration] Don Ehrlenbusch, and that meeting would have occurred in July of 2009.

[Elkayam]: And what did you talk about at that meeting?

[Meyer]: The -- you know, it's been five years now and the meeting was attended by myself, because I was asked to come, because there was a concern about the -- the employment of Hanul Law Firm. And there was also a concern at NSU about, shall I just say the activities that had been uncovered, and it was prompted by the transition between Dr. Laurie Nichols, who had been an interim president at Northern, and Dr. Smith's arrival, taking over her duties.

[Elkayam]: You said the employment of Hanul. Was that employment by SDIBI of Hanul?

[Meyer]: There was a concern that there had been no employment that any of us were aware of and that there should not have been [Meyer, 2014.04.24, pp. 56].

This July 2009 meeting fits the narrative that emerges from Bollen's deposition that NSU and the Regents may have been trying to shut SDIBI down and that only intervention from Benda and the Governor's Office of Economic Development kept Bollen and EB-5 going.

Meyer concludes that he does not believe that Bollen "was supervised by NSU in the sense that you would expect as an employee" [p. 73].


Mike Rounds desperately needs you to believe that his office had little to do with the EB-5 program that has endangered his gubernatorial legacy and his Senatorial aspirations. "...[T]he program and the personnel were responsible to the South Dakota Board of Regents," Rounds avers. "...[A]s governor, I was not involved in the day-to-day activities of the BOR program."

But according to EB-5 czar Joop Bollen, the leads for big EB-5 transactions came from the Rounds Administration:

[Regents attorney Chaka Okadigbo]: Okay. In terms of -- for people that don't know how the EB-5 program works, if -- I assume the regional center was involved in selecting projects for foreign investors to review and decide whether to invest in it, is that correct?

[Bollen] I wouldn't say that. I would say that initially we will receive a lead that would come from the governor's office or the department of agricultural that there is a project that the state has an interest in. I would then forward the contact to the entity that we had a working relationship with, and they then would obtain the information directly from the project typically and they would then do the due diligence of the project and decide if their investors want to get involved in that project or not [Joop Bollen, deposition 1, Darley v. SDIBI, 2014.04.16].

Rounds has tried to portray his "direct interaction" with Bollen as "limited" to updates on efforts by Bollen's South Dakota International Business Institute "by way of staff reports." Yet Bollen's testimony shows two-way interaction, with the Rounds Administration providing the leads like Northern Beef Packers necessary to sustain SDIBI's efforts.


District 28 Senate candidate Rep. Betty Olson (R-Prairie City) earned herself some media attention this week. It seems only fair that we give her opponent in the Senate race, Parade Democrat Oren Lesmeister, a little air time.

Hat, cattle, and mustache—Oren Lesmeister, Democratic candidate for District 28 Senate

Hat, cattle, and mustache—Oren Lesmeister, Democratic candidate for District 28 Senate

Lesmeister runs Fox Ridge Ag Supply in Parade, Dewey County, on the Cheyenne River Indian Reservation east of Eagle Butte. He also raises wheat, sunflowers, corn and cattle on his patch of the high plains. He spoke to me Thursday from a motel room in Belle Fourche, about 150 miles from home. District 28 covers more territory than any other legislative district in the state: all of Dewey, Ziebach, Corson, Perkins, and Harding counties, most of Butte, and the northeast corner of Meade—14,700 square miles, almost a fifth of South Dakota, with about 3% of the state's population. He drove 235 miles just the preceding evening

That's sparse country to be out rustling up votes, but Lesmeister says campaigning is an "absolute blast," even for a Democrat campaigning in what Betty Olson's representation makes clear is hard right Republican country. Lesmeister reminds us that he comes from the eastern, reservation side of District 28, which leans Democrat. But even on the western side, where he says he gets skunk eye over that D in front of his name "every day," Lesmeister says he has great conversations with very "receptive" voters.

What do they talk about? Education funding comes up. Lesmeister says his school district, Eagle Butte, comes out better than others, since it receives a fair amount of impact aid from the federal government to make up for tribal land that doesn't pay property tax. But he looks around at the sprawling, far-flung school districts of District 28 and sees the state's "broken" funding formula failing to meet their needs. Lesmeister says we need more money for schools, but he's not proposing new taxes. He first wants to look at the hundreds of millions in sales tax exemptions as well as economic development handouts to corporations as sources of revenue to bolster our schools.

Lesmeister does talk taxes with his neighbors, particularly the agriculture productivity tax. In 2008, South Dakota revised its property tax to assess ag land not on the basis of land sale and rental values but an Olympic average (eight years, drop high and low) of crop prices and yields for comparable land. Lesmeister says that taxing ag land based on the corn or hay it could have produced according to past averages of neighbors' activity is like taxing a 40-story building for 200-stories: you could have built a taller skyscraper, so we're going to tax you as if you had!

Replacing that tax methodology is tricky, and Lesmeister wants to have more conversations with experts, but he'd rather return to assessing land on sale and rental value than keep the current system. At least with land sale prices, says Lesmeister, we're dealing with real numbers.

In general, Lesmeister says, the best tax reform would allow everybody to pay less. But he recognizes that we've got to pay for what we need. Nowhere is that tension more apparent than in road funding. He admires the efforts of Senator Mike Vehle (R-20/Mitchell) to find money to improve our roads. He praises Senator Vehle for pushing people to get beyond griping and propose real solutions. Lesmeister says the ugly reality is that federal funding will dwindle and that state and county governments will have to pick up more of the tab for getting from Buffalo to Timber Lake.

Lesmeister says we could take some of the pressure off our highways by expanding railroads. He doesn't favor state ownership, but he would support incentives for private industry to build more rail shipping capacity.

Lesmeister does not support the Keystone XL pipeline. He says laying pipe across South Dakota to ship North American oil out to the global export market doesn't do South Dakota a bit of good. He challenges the assertion that running against Keystone XL will do in Democrats; in his district, the tribes are strongly opposed to the pipeline, and folks in Bison and elsewhere along the Keystone XL route don't say much nice about the pipeline to Lesmeister. (Remember: Betty Olson thinks Keystone XL is just peachy, as do far too many other South Dakota legislators.) At the very least, Lesmeister says we should learn from examples in Wyoming and North Dakota and not let Big Oil walk all over us.

Lesmeister also talks Medicaid expansion with his District 28 neighbors. He says South Dakota will eventually accept the money being offered under the Affordable Care Act to cover low-income South Dakotans. We have to, says Lesmeister, in part to make up for the $14 million he says we'll lose in the coming year as our increasing state income lowers the federal aid we qualify for under existing Medicaid rules.

Lesmeister recognizes the need for economic development in his big corner of the state, on reservation and off. He says the major challenge to creating jobs in District 28 is not lack of workers or skills; contrary to certain prejudgments, Lesmeister says his neighbors on the Cheyenne River Reservation want to work. Simple geography makes it hard to lure businesses: Eagle Butte and Lemmon are a long way to ship inputs and outputs. Economic development needs to focus on improving and maintaining the infrastructure necessary to connect West River businesses to their suppliers and customers. Lesmeister says Northern Beef Packers would have been a great project to build in his neighborhood, given that it could have relied on local supply. (Hmm... EB-5 to benefit the reservations... don't forget that idea!)

I mention women's issues to Lesmeister, and he focuses on legal protections against domestic abuse and sex trafficking, an issue of particular concern for reservations near the proposed Keystone XL construction camps and the man camps of the Bakken oil fields in North Dakota. He doesn't propose new laws; he says we can protect women sufficiently by stepping up our enforcement of laws already on the books.

As for abortion rights, Lesmeister says he as a legislator should never decide such issues. He says he would resist legislative efforts to further curtail women's reproductive rights. "It's too big of an issue" for the Legislature to decide, says Lesmeister; any abortion legislation should go straight to the ballot so all South Dakotans can vote.

Lesmeister wants to talk about these issues and everything else on voters' minds right through Election Day. He invites his neighbors to give him a shout via his Facebook campaign page and his campaign phone (605-365-6856—yup, he said I could publish that). Ping him, ring him... Oren wants your thoughts and your vote on November 4!


Friend of the blog Lanny Stricherz offers this guest column to explain that GOP Senate candidate Mike Rounds and Governor Dennis Daugaard own a record of economic development failure and corruption much larger than the EB-5 scandal.

*   *   *

We had a chance to remove the Rounds–Daugaard team from South Dakota politics during the primary in June, but passed on that opportunity. So now we are faced with the option of doing so in November. Will we take that opportunity this time, or are we still going to give them a pass on their utter disregard for the citizens of South Dakota?

The list of failed economic development projects, which wasted our tax dollars, goes much further than the EB-5 Northern Beef Packers bankruptcy, which cost more than a 160 million dollars, as well as more than 400 jobs lost. Among the failed economic development projects in which these two Governors invested state dollars and state employee working hours, are:

  1. CAFO dairy operations, two of which went bankrupt and at least one of which employed illegal immigrants not locals for the jobs as mandated by EB-5, and the others continue to pollute our lakes and streams, and only hurt the small dairy farmers in our state.
  2. The Big Stone II coal burner power plant, which after being fought for by our governor for years, was dumped by Minnesota's PUC as damaging the air and water surrounding it.
  3. The Basin Electric coal burning power plant in Selby failed for the same reason.
  4. The Keystone Pipeline, environmentally damaging, and bleeding 38 million dollars from South Dakota taxpayers.
  5. The Keystone XL pipeline which was originally approved by the Public Utilities Commission, but whose permits from South Dakota have now expired. This was caused by the delays in approval because of awareness of its potential to damage the Ogallala aquifer, the largest aquifer in the US and which serves the southwestern quarter of our state.
  6. Anderson Seeds, which cheated South Dakota farmers out of millions of dollars when it went bankrupt.
  7. The Hyperion oil refinery and coal burning power plant which the Governor was promoting as the Gorilla Project for a couple of years.
  8. South Dakota Children's Home Society, which siphoned off millions of taxpayer dollars while Dennis Daugaard was Lieutenant Governor and still employed by SDCH, in no-bid contracts and in violation of the Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978.
  9. Another no-bid contract of 5 million dollars to Manpower to recruit 1000 new employees in 3 years. It only got 83 in the first year.
  10. State funding of a jobs training program, which trains workers at area vo-techs. Many of the welders trained at Mitchell then fled the State to work in North Dakota in the oil fields at double the pay. (Jobs training used to be and in most cases is the responsibility of the employer, certainly not government.)

While All of this waste was/is happening Governor Rounds cut education funding 5%, and then after not answering questions about education funding during the 2010 campaign, Dennis Daugaard cut it by 6 1/2% in the 2011 legislative session. Now, Governor Daugaard is turning down tens if not hundreds of millions of federal dollars by not expanding medicaid to cover those who are working but make too much to be below the poverty level but not enough to get a subsidy to purchase their own health insurance, simply because he is opposed to Obamacare which his friend Mike Rounds helped establish.

Speaking to the Pennington County Republican Ambassadors Luncheon on the day after the 2010 election, Dennis Daugaard is quoted by Kevin Woster in the Rapid City Journal, "In their hearts, South Dakotans usually do what's right," he said. "And they don't need the government to tell them what's right."

Including Mike Rounds there are four choices for US Senator. Including Dennis Daugaard, there are three choices for Governor.

Let's hope that the voters do what is right on November 4th.

—Lanny Stricherz, guest column, submitted 2014.10.05


Mike Rounds gave an interview to the Rapid City Journal this week that reinforces the GOP narrative of using the departed Richard Benda as fall guy for any further corruption we may uncover in the Governor's Office of Economic Development and of covering up remaining witnesses who could spill the beans.

Mike Rounds has been happy to put on his sad face and cloak himself in sympathy for Benda's family. But he gives Benda himself the cold shoulder in his current media stance:

The two men met in the 1980s and crossed paths several times afterward, Rounds said, but were not “socially active together” [Seth Tupper, "Rounds: No Prior 'Red Flags' about Benda," Rapid City Journal, 2014.09.24].

Rounds distances himself from the decision to put Benda in charge of state economic development in 2006, saying that everybody else was telling him to hire Benda. And then Rounds adds this new shred of personal, petty gossip to insult his former GOED chief:

Benda committed suicide with a shotgun in rural Lake Andes during the opening weekend of the 2013 pheasant hunting season, days ahead of the annual Governor’s Hunt. Rounds thinks the timing was significant.

“The next week was the Governor’s Pheasant Hunt. Rich was actively involved in that, and my understanding is that he was not going to be invited to be able to hunt,” Rounds said. “I think his world was closing in around him, and I think the fact he was aware he was going to be indicted, I think he decided that his world was collapsing around him, and he didn’t see a way out” [Tupper, 2014.09.24].

On hearsay, Rounds is willing to paint Benda as a lonely, isolated, hopeless man. Compare that with his willingness to draw conclusions from the much firmer, public, documentary evidence suggesting his EB-5 director Joop Bollen committed crimes:

Rounds was asked Wednesday why he has not singled out Bollen for criticism.

“What I know is what I’ve learned from the attorney general’s reports,” Rounds said. “What I know for sure is that the attorney general had the opportunity to look at this for close to a year. He closed his file last year. To the best of my knowledge, I’m not aware of any action he’s taken against Joop Bollen, and so I don’t have anything that tells me that Mr. Bollen has been found guilty of doing anything illegal.”

When asked how he would describe Bollen’s actions if not “illegal,” Rounds said he’s not the right person to ask.

“I have questions about it. I would’ve had questions then if I had known about it then,” he said. “The appropriate place where that should be answered is at the Board of Regents level. He was their employee” [Tupper, 2014.09.24].

Richard Benda is not here to respond to Mike Rounds's character assassination. Joop Bollen and his Republican power-broker lawyer Jeff Sveen are. Mike Rounds understands quite clearly who his "friends" are.


In the brush-off to the Legislature's Government Operations and Audit Committee that he pens for former state employee and EB-5 profiteer Joop Bollen, lawyer Jeffrey T. Sveen makes this claim about Bollen's EB-5 management company:

SDRC, Inc. has previously provided information to government authorities when requested to do so. As the Committee is aware, an audit by the State of South Dakota has shown that all funds administered by SDRC, Inc., were properly applied [Jeffrey T. Sveen, letter to Senator Larry Tidemann, 2014.09.08].

Really? Let's review what that state audit from February 12, 2014, said about SDRC Inc.:

Finding No. 2003-001:

The former Department of Tourism and State Development (DTSD) and the current Governor’s Office of Economic Development’s (GOED) policies and procedures were inadequate for the monitoring of the contract with the SDRC Inc.

  • ...Although the SDRC was providing to the DTSD a monthly e-mail containing a report and the balances in the two funds, the report was not sufficient to ascertain that the correct amounts were being collected and deposited and copies of bank statements did not accompany the e-mail to corroborate the balances being reported.
  • Documentation was not adequate to determine whether the DTSD or the GOED was receiving the books, records and reports that were required to be provided to the CIS by the SDRC.
  • Inadequate internal controls existed over the payment of expenses from the Expense Fund. Five disbursements were made from the Expense Fund totaling $67,259.97. The invoices were signed by the former Secretary of the DTSD and the DSTD’s Administration Director. The invoices identified the expenses as being for meals, lodging and transportation. Other than the information contained in the invoices, there was no supporting documentation retained to evidence that the expenses were incurred, who incurred the expenses, or the purpose of the expenses.
  • The DTSD and GOED did not report Indemnification Fund One and the Expense Fund in the State’s Comprehensive Annual Financial Reports for FY2010 through FY2012.

As a result, there existed a potential for the loss of assets and two funds were not properly reported in the State’s Comprehensive Annual Financial Report [Department of Legislative Audit, "Governmental Funds of the South Dakota Governor's Office of Economic Development: Audit Report," 2014.02.12].

As I noted in my February analysis of the audit, "loss of assets" is a brilliant euphemism for theft.

Auditor General Martin L. Guindon also emphasized in his report the audit transmittal letter that his office only reviewed only the expense and indemnification funds SDRC Inc. managed for the state, not the entirety of money managed by SDRC Inc.

Sveen and Bollen's claim is thus false. The state audit did not show that "all funds administered by SDRC, Inc., were properly applied." The audit showed that Bollen told the state that its portion of SDRC Inc's business was being handled properly, but he did not provide sufficient evidence to prove that claim.

And in arrogantly rejecting Senator Larry Tidemann's invitation-not-subpoena to testify before the Government Operations and Audit Committee, Bollen is again refusing to provide that evidence and doing so by telling us... something less than the truth.

Chairman Tidemann, are you ready to issue that subpoena yet?


I don't think Mike Rounds understands competitive advantage. Check out how he rationalizes the privatization of South Dakota's EB-5 program:

South Dakota officials were closely involved with plans to bring in a private company to help run the state's EB-5 program in 2007, two years before the economic development effort was fully privatized.

...Rounds said he was briefed several times in 2007 on plans to reshape South Dakota's EB-5 program, including that there would be private companies involved. At the time, EB-5, which solicited investments from would-be immigrants, was run by the South Dakota International Business Institute, an arm of the South Dakota Board of Regents but under contracts with the Governor's Office of Economic Development.

"What they could not do at the current level through the Board of Regents office was ... set up a separate program where they could offer these partnerships," Rounds said. "The idea was to look more like a regular regional center (like the ones) that they were competing with" [David Montgomery, "Letter Laid out EB-5 Privatization Plans in 2007," that Sioux Falls paper, 2014.09.16].

Separate program... these partnerships... I feel like I do when I'm in the insurance office and my agent isn't making himself clear. Rounds is talking about the scheme under which his man Joop Bollen formed a private company to aggregate EB-5 dollars into loan pools, collect huge fees from the investors, and keep it all off the state books so that when things went south, interested citizens would have a heck of a hard time following the money trail.

But think about the business model. There are two ways to compete in business: offer something cheaper or offer something different. South Dakota got into EB-5 in 2004 to offer something different: to lure foreign dairy investors with the additional benefit of a green card through the then underused EB-5 program. Three years later, that advantage was fading, as more "regional centers" popped up to offer EB-5 investment opportunities.

To compete for more EB-5 money, the Rounds Administration thus needed to offer a different different or offer cost savings. Mike Rounds could have done both. Imagine this alternative-universe pitch from a governor with real competitive ganas:

Hey, EB-5 investors! Tired of being fleeced by all those private regional centers? Want to deal straight up with a state government that will handle your investment with efficiency, integrity, and rigorous public accountability? Sign up for South Dakota's EB-5 program! We are one of the only state-run EB-5 programs in the country.

Private regional centers will charge you fees of $30,000, $40,000, even $50,000 or more on your $500,000 investment. South Dakota will only charge you $1,500.

Private regional centers just want to recruit more investors to pad their pockets. South Dakota wants to help you come to America and ensure that your money supports viable projects that pay off for everyone.

South Dakota EB-5: We're different! We're better! We're cheaper! We're here to help you. [South Dakota Regional Center, promotional video, alternative universe, 2008]

With a pitch like that, South Dakota could have recruited more EB-5 investors than it knew what to do with.

But our Mike Rounds chose to do the opposite: he thought South Dakota could compete by doing the same privatization and charging the same hefty fees as other regional centers. His plan led to some brief profits for his cronies but ultimately to a huge failed project in Northern Beef Packers and corruption that led to dozens of investors losing their money and Governor Daugaard shelving the program in 2013. So much for competitive advantage.


Ah, high school debate, that joyous season when ninth graders stand and deliver more public debates in one weekend than Mike Rounds will during the entire general election season.

Looking at contemporary public political discourse through my high school debate judging paradigm is generally a bad idea, since it insults high school debate. But let's imagine South Dakota's Democrats and Republicans are high school debaters and see who won this week.

When I judge a high school debate, I take notes called a flow. First the Affirmative team speaks and puts points on the flow to prove some point. Then the Negative team speaks to put responses on the flow. Usually, after two speeches by decent debaters, my flow looks like this:
Sample FlowAff lays out arguments, and Neg responds to each one, point by point. Even if Point III is bogus, Neg takes a moment to explain why Point III is bogus before moving on to IV, V, etc. (And Neg does this in eight minutes or less—smart kids!) That's good clash (and good fun!).

South Dakota Democrats are on Affirmative, arguing that Mike Rounds is corrupt and unfit for U.S. Senate. This week, Democrats put a lot of arguments on the flow. And how did Team Rounds and the SDGOP—the Negative team—respond?Bollen-Rounds corruption flow Clash? What clash?

Against seven well-evidenced Aff points that show Mike Rounds rewarding the corrupt double-dealing and deceit of state employee Joop Bollen, Neg launches two ad hominem attacks at the bottom of the flow, tacks one diversionary non-response to one point, and leaves the rest of the flow blank. Mike Rounds, Dick Wadhams, and the rest of the GOP team have not challenged...

  1. the existence of Joop Bollen's contract with himself;
  2. the illegal conflict of interest created by such a contract;
  3. Bollen's violation of Board of Regents policy;
  4. Bollen's concealment of his unauthorized legal pleading on behalf of the state;
  5. Bollen's subjection of the state to legal liability;
  6. Kathy Tyler's specific math or her general charge that Bollen diverted money from state coffers;
  7. Rounds's rewarding of this rogue state employee with a no-bid contract.

In a high school debate round, I can just glance at the flow, see all that white space in Neg's column, and know that Aff is winning the debate. The SDGOP's inability to come up with direct responses to these questions about Mike Rounds's management of economic development shows they weren't ready for this corruption to be exposed and don't know how to spin pretty black-and-white evidence that Mike Rounds should not be our next Senator.

Of course, Republicans have more than eight minutes to respond. But every day they leave the flow blank is a day when Democrats can shout "Drop! Pull!", and tell voters to draw the arrows and vote Aff. Keep piling on, Dems!


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